Occasional blogging, mostly of the long-form variety.
Showing posts with label Elections. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Elections. Show all posts

Monday, November 04, 2024

The State of the Nation (Pre-Election 2024)

It would be nice if basic sanity and now democracy itself weren't on the line every presidential election, but here we are again. Donald Trump attempted a coup to overturn the 2020 election he lost, but apparently, that doesn't disqualify him as a candidate for conservatives and Republicans. Republican Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell verbally condemned Trump for his failed insurrection, but when Trump was impeached for it, McConnell refused to vote to convict Trump. If that weren't bad enough, McConnell gutlessly went on to endorse Trump's latest presidential run. McConnell's far from alone on the Trump endorsement front, although many more of his colleagues and fellow party members didn't even bother to condemn Trump's actions, and a significant number openly cheered them. Such is the moral compass of movement conservatives and Republicans as a whole; their commitment to democracy is slight to nonexistent, and they are fighting to restore Trump to power and prevent any accountability for his past and future actions. Even if one thought that conservative policies were great instead of terrible, these anti-democratic actions should be deeply concerning.

Trump has provided an unrelenting series of additional reasons he shouldn't be allowed anywhere near higher office since the insurrection on January 6th, 2021, most notably talking about seizing absolute power, pursuing vengeance and using state violence. In March 2023, at the Conservative Political Action Conference (CPAC), Trump addressed the conservative faithful by saying, "I am your warrior. I am your justice, and for those who have been wronged and betrayed, I am your retribution." He also framed the coming elections in apocalyptic terms, saying "This is the final battle, they know it. I know it, you know it, and everybody knows it, this is it. Either they win or we win. And if they win, we no longer have a country." (Conservatives sure love projection.) In December 2023, Sean Hannity asked Trump, "Under no circumstances, you are promising America tonight, you would never abuse power as retribution against anybody?" and Trump responded, "Except for day one." When pressed, he said, "We're closing the border and we're drilling, drilling, drilling. After that, I’m not a dictator." Trump complained that media outlets mentioned the dictator part and didn't emphasize the 'one day' part (as if that made it acceptable), and then as usual when he's said something stupid or alarming, he and his supporters claimed he was joking, even though he clearly wasn't. In July 2024, he told a group of conservative Christians to "get out and vote, just this time. You won’t have to do it any more. Four more years, you know what? It’ll be fixed, it’ll be fine, you won’t have to vote any more, my beautiful Christians." That sure sounded like the threat of an authoritarian takeover, although in a later Fox News interview Trump unconvincingly claimed otherwise… and also pretended that he accepted the results of the 2020 election, conveniently ignoring his extensive election interference attempts, including the insurrection on January 6th, 2021.

At a late September rally, Trump complained that liberals wanted to destroy America and were preventing cops from doing their jobs, and proposed giving the police "one really violent day" or at least "one rough hour — and I mean real rough" to end crime "immediately." In mid-October, Trump referred to his political targets (including Democratic Representative Adam Schiff by name) as "the enemy within," and suggested they "should be very easily handled by, if necessary, by National Guard, or if really necessary, by the military." In late October, he targeted Republican (and former Wyoming Representative) Liz Cheney, who's endorsed Kamala Harris for president, by saying, "Let’s put her with a rifle standing there with nine barrels shooting at her, okay? Let’s see how she feels about it, you know, when the guns are trained on her face." NPR found that Trump "has made more than 100 threats to investigate, prosecute, imprison or otherwise punish his perceived opponents."

Trump has also pledged to forcefully deport 11 million or 20 million or however many immigrants – just like Senator Joe McCarthy , who also fearmongered about "enemies from within," Trump's numbers often shift. Notably, Trump's targets include legal immigrants. Besides the plan's immorality, it would also be impractically expensive, costing anywhere from 40 billion to 315 billion, money that could be much better spent elsewhere. Trump's immigration policies have always been more about demagoguery and cruelty than meaningful results, though.

In late October, retired General John Kelly, who was one of Trump's chiefs of staff, confirmed Trump's admiration for Hitler and said Trump "certainly falls into the general definition of fascist." Although some people still quibble about the label, there's no serious doubt that Trump is an authoritarian who will abuse power in office, and there's plenty of expert opinion supporting calling him a fascist specifically. Other high-ranking members of the former Trump administration have called him unfit for office, and thirteen former staffers signed an open letter supporting Kelly's assertions: "In a second term, those who once tried to prevent Donald Trump from his worst impulses will no longer be there to rein him in. For the good of our country, our democracy, and our Constitution, we are asking you to listen closely and carefully to General Kelly's warning." Even if we momentarily put aside the awful conservative agendas of a Trump administration, a Republican Congress, and conservative judicial hacks, the prospects of democracy itself being dismantled – or at least, a major candidate openly wanting to dismantle it – should give voters pause and supersede many other concerns.

Turning to policy, for decades, American conservatives and the Republican Party have stood for plutocracy and bigotry, and using the latter to achieve the former. This election has been no different, but what's unusual is how out in the open their extreme plans have been. Conservatives have been pushing the Heritage Foundation's Project 2025, a "right-wing wish list" of extreme policies that they want to implement if Trump returns to office and/or if Republicans seize control of Congress. (As Rick Perlstein has pointed out, some of the proposals contradict others, but it's still full of scary stuff.) Trump has unconvincingly tried to distance himself from Project 2025, even though it was written by Trump loyalists and allies – in fact, at least 140 people who worked in the Trump administration worked on Project 2025. Trump's much shorter Agenda 47 is much vaguer and less detailed than Project 2025, but perfectly compatible with it. Trump and his allies have continued to try to gaslight the American public about their links to Project 2025, and if you're on social media, you might have even seen conservatives step up the gaslighting by claiming Project 2025 doesn't even exist. Conservative policies are largely awful, typically only benefitting a select few – mostly the rich and powerful, and to a lesser degree, social conservatives. Conservatives cannot win policy arguments on the merits, so they lie about them constantly. Their policies also tend to be deeply unpopular, so they attempt voter suppression and other anti-democratic means to get their way.

The United States has multiple institutions impeding positive reform. Using an electoral college to elect a president rather than a national popular vote is anti-democratic, and has become glaring so in the past 25 years. In the past, some Republicans supported abolishing the electoral college and some Democrats wanted to keep it. But despite ample reasons to abolish it, Republicans want to keep it because it would be hard for them to win a presidential election without it. In the 2024 presidential election, seven swing states will decide the election and most of the country's opinion effectively doesn't matter. That's inherently problematic, and becomes more so due to efforts to suppress the vote and make ballot-counting more difficult. Voter suppression is a conservative movement, perpetrated by both major parties in the past, but in recent decades overwhelmingly practiced by the Republican Party. (The ACLU and Brennan Center for Justice cover voting rights issues diligently and have much more detail.)

Adding to our problems is conservative judicial activism, most dangerously due to the conservative hacks on the Supreme Court, who almost always rule in favor of those in power and for social conservatives, legal precedent, common sense and consistency be damned. Conservative activist judges at the federal level and lower have also inflicted plenty of harm. The judicial appointments of George W. Bush and Trump, and Republican obstruction of Obama's nominees, have created an ugly situation that could persist for decades. In theory, judges should be above the more petty political squabbles, and render wise, thoughtful decisions mindful of precedent and considering the likely consequences, all for the benefit of citizens and the country as a whole. In actual practice, particularly on the Supreme Court, that hasn't at all been the case, as seen in Bush v. Gore (2000) , District of Columbia v. Heller (2008), Citizens United v. FEC (2010), Shelby County v. Holder (2013) and related decisions, Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health (2022) and Trump v. United States (2024), to name a handful – all decisions that ignored precedent and abused good sense to benefit conservative individuals or causes. The last one blatantly ignores not only legal precedent but the history and founding values of the United States, effectively making the president a king, immune from accountability.

It certainly doesn't help matters that the mainstream media, who should be informing the citizenry and helping them make good choices when voting and dealing with elected officials, consistently delivers such poor political coverage. Individual reporters and some outlets do good work, but the mainstream media as a whole are unrelentingly shallow. Horse race coverage doesn't tell voters much, but it can be produced with low effort, fills air time and columns, and presents an image of political neutrality. Meanwhile, as Josh Marshall notes, confrontational political interviews aren't necessarily useful when they merely reiterate an opponent's attacks and avoid dealing with policies and substance. That superficiality is the rule rather than the exception; much of political coverage amounts to little more than gossip. To quote a 2018 post:

Stories deemed too complex aren't covered – for example, explaining the abuse of Senate procedures and contextualizing them. More importantly, calling out one political side is simply not good business, especially when one side is consistently worse about lying, violating political norms and screwing over the citizenry. One of our national political discourse's key scourges is false equivalence, or "both siderism," claiming both sides are just as bad even when evidence to the contrary stands overwhelming. (For much more on this, see the archives of Digby, driftglass, alicublog, Balloon Juice, LGM or my own archives.)


Because reasonable conservatives are in such short supply, the media has to manufacture them or grade conservatives on a curve to try to appear balanced. They have to pretend that harmful or ludicrous conservative policy proposals have merit, or sometimes pretend that conservatives have a plan at all. (Occasionally, they do call bullshit.) They also have to pretend that white conservatives have good reasons for being upset, and that their constant ire is due to 'economic anxiety' and not because a significant number of them are racists or even white nationalists. In the case of Trump, adding in his frequent personal incoherence, these dynamics have been justifiably criticized as "sane-washing." It hasn't helped, either, that the owners of the venerable Washington Post and Los Angeles Times have dictated that their respective editorial boards cannot endorse a presidential candidate, despite the glaring differences between the two major candidates and the towering stakes of this election. This cowardice is deeply sad for anyone who remembers the best legacies of these papers, and has lead to reporters resigning, and thousands or even hundreds of thousands of cancelled subscriptions. Long-time Post readers have explicitly called out the betrayal of the paper's history and values, as well as that of the masthead of recent years, "Democracy Dies in Darkness."

As for the electorate, why are Trump's numbers as high as they are? Many voters won't respond to pollsters, and that percentage will probably continue to increase over time. Some voters also genuinely don't like Joe Biden, Kamala Harris, and the Democratic Party's platform. But Harris is still a pretty normal, mainstream candidate, whereas Trump definitely is not, and overwhelmingly not in a good way. Harris might represent too much of the status quo, but Trump is threatening to make many things much, much worse, pledging to do things the American people say they don't like. And have memories faded so quickly? Putting aside incidents such as Trump's bizarre, 40-minute dance party to avoid questions at an October town hall – or the infamous, Access Hollywood, "Grab 'em by the pussy" video reported in 2016 that some younger voters have only recently discovered – Trump's actual presidency was a disaster for most Americans. According to Gallup, Trump left office with a 34% approval rating and lower approval ratings than any president in Gallup's polling era; 538 has similar numbers. Yet in 2020, although Biden set a new record for the most votes received in a presidential election, breaking Barack Obama's 2008 record, Trump broke Obama's record as well, and received more votes than he had in 2016. Even after seeing what he did as president – including bungling the COVID-19 pandemic response, when he could have averted 40% of the deaths, according to a Lancet commission – more Americans voted for him than before. Many Americans have been unaware of his criminal convictions, and although those convictions and pending lawsuits have hurt Trump's polling numbers somewhat, most Republicans say they don't care, or claim they're more likely to vote for Trump as a result.

So: many voters aren't aware of Trump's actual policies and actions, some don't care, and the conservative base actually likes what he's doing. It's possible to break through to the first group and to the lesser degree the second, but it's almost impossible to persuade the third. As bad as mainstream political coverage often is, even if it's shallow at least it's generally factually correct. The right-wing echo chamber is much worse; conservatives can ignore reality and stick to a world of lies, including Trump's ludicrous, narcissistic, self-serving "big lie" that he won the 2020 election. Trump's most ardent supporters are essentially a cult.

It's worth looking at a few specific issues and conservative policies in more depth, to draw contrasts between the two major candidates and their parties, and see what's at stake.

Plutocracy and the Economy

Whatever else they do, conservatives and Republicans reliably fight to deliver more money and power to the rich and powerful. The Trump tax cuts in 2017 were a monstrosity, and just like the Reagan and George W. Bush tax cuts, were (to quote a 2022 post):

. . . plutocratic, funneling even more money to the wealthiest Americans to please rich donors. Contrary to Republican claims, the corporate tax cuts did not trickle down and the tax plan did not pay for itself; they just gave rich people more money.


The differences between the Harris and Trump tax plans are pretty stark. Trump wants to extend the expiring tax cuts for the wealthy, whereas Harris would raise their taxes. Trump would cut corporate tax rates, whereas Harris would raise them. Trump would give small tax breaks to taxpayers with children; Harris would give more substantial tax breaks to low- and moderate-income families. Project 2025 policies would increase poverty and hardship and shift more of the tax burden from the wealthy to the middle class. ProPublica found that, as president, "Donald Trump built a national debt so big (even before the pandemic) that it’ll weigh down the economy for years." Meanwhile, by one estimate, Harris' budget plans would reduce the deficit by as much as 290 billion or increase it by as much as 710 billion; Trump's budget plans would increase the deficit by 4.5–5 trillion.

As Jon Perr points out, Biden's economic record is much better than Trump's was, and Harris' policies would be similar. Likewise, Rachel Maddow systematically went through arguments from Trump supporters that voting for him was "a business decision" and showed that Trump's policies would actually be worse for businesses.

None of this erases the essential point that just because "the economy" is doing well by measures such as gross national product and the stock market, average Americans might not be doing well with everyday expenses such as housing, transportation and groceries. But funneling more money to the rich has never helped with that, and conservatives and Republicans have consistently championed policies that economically hurt the middle class and especially the poor. (One of their tricks is to give a small tax break to the middle class that they'll brag about while giving a huge tax cut to the rich. It's a feature, not a bug.)

It bears mentioning that many conservatives do crave social status over prosperity, so votes by the rank and file who aren't in the wealthy donor class could conceivably be made with open eyes. But the reality is that they want prosperity, too, and like government handouts for themselves – they just don't like government aid going to those people. They've also shown that, for example, they're unaware of the degree of wealth inequality in America. The conservative movement has plenty of grifters, but even more marks.

Bigotry

Bigotry and scapegoating are other conservative and Republican perennial favorites. A recurring theme at the Republican National Convention in July was that immigrants are scary and they're coming to rob, rape and kill you. The speech of Canadian-born Texas Senator Ted Cruz was one of the more loathsome and aggressive in this genre, and unsurprisingly, it was highly misleading. Trump started his campaign in 2015 with ugly, racist rhetoric about immigrants, and it's been a consistent feature of his rhetoric ever since. Nonetheless, a Politico analysis published in mid-October found that "his racist, anti-immigrant messaging is getting darker" as he's spoken about "blood thirsty criminals," the "most violent people on earth," "animals," "stone cold killers," the "worst people," and the "enemy from within." One of Trump's most bizarre moments was a claim during his debate with Kamala Harris about (legal) Haitian immigrants in Springfield: "They’re eating the dogs. They’re eating the cats. They’re eating the pets of the people that live there." Thankfully, Trump was fact-checked by the moderators, who confirmed for viewers that Trump's claim wasn't true, but Trump insisted it was and that he had seen it on TV. (It was an unintentionally comic moment – it was if he was saying, 'But it must be true! I saw it on TV!' and the con had become the mark.) Trump's vice presidential candidate, J.D. Vance, then went on to defend the false claims about immigrants eating their neighbors' pets and told CNN's Dana Bash that he was willing to "create stories" to get the media to focus on what the campaign wanted to emphasize – in other words, to lie. He also referred to the Haitian immigrants, who are in the U.S. legally, as illegal. The Trump campaign and other conservatives just keep fearmongering and lying about immigrants. Of course, they don't mention that Trump scuttled a bipartisan immigration reform plan. Trump doesn't want solutions; he wants to demagogue the issue.

Attacking brown people has been Trump's favorite flavor of bigotry, but in October, his campaign stepped up attacks on transgender people. If you watched the World Series, for example, you saw a particularly noxious and misleading anti-transgender ad. Apparently, the Trump campaign has spent about $19 million on anti-transgender ads. It's a rather strange choice for a closing argument.

Trump has also told Jewish groups that Jews who vote for Democrats are "very disloyal to Israel," that "Jewish people have no excuse" to vote for Harris, and scolded, "in my opinion, the Jewish people would have a lot to do with a loss if I’m at 40% [support]," essentially blaming Jews in advance for an election loss. Trump is a bigot, a bully and a bullshitter, and it would be hard to overstate how important spite is to his identity and his appeal to his supporters.

Reproductive Freedom and Health Care

In 2022, the conservative majority on the Supreme Court overturned the 49-year old Roe v. Wade (1973) decision that legalized abortion via Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health, effectively making abortion illegal in many states. The majority of Americans want abortion to be legal, and even in conservative states such as Kansas, voters have chosen to protect abortion rights. Ten states have abortion measures on the ballot for 2024. Meanwhile, a majority of OB-GYNs say the overturning of Roe v. Wade is linked to more maternal deaths. At least one woman in Texas and two in Georgia have died as a result of anti-choice legislation that delays or prevents medical care. Project 2025 seeks to make getting abortions much more difficult if outright banning isn't possible, and even targets contraception, which is another awful, extreme and unpopular position.

Meanwhile, Republican Speaker of the House Mike Johnson has confirmed that ending the Affordable Care Act is a goal for Trump and the Republicans, even though Trump has only "the concepts of a plan" to replace it. When it comes to health care, Project 2025 has a "antiscience, antidata, and antimedicine agenda," would eviscerate access to care for Medicaid beneficiaries, put profits over patients, and remove numerous ACA protections (many of them cost-saving).

Foreign Policy and Imperialism

Knee-jerk, fact-free "both siderism" is a blight on political discourse, but critiques of the two major U.S. political parties as being similar are most sound when it comes to corporatism, military spending and imperialism.

The current war and destruction in the Middle East is a major and legitimate concern for a significant number of voters. As of November 1st, the estimates are that "Israel’s blistering offensive on the Gaza Strip has killed more than 43,000 Palestinians since Oct. 7, 2023, when Hamas militants killed roughly 1,200 people in Israel and took some 250 hostages back to Gaza."

I don't think Biden has done nearly enough to stop the conflict. Trump has reportedly told Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to "Do what you have to do" and that he wants the war over by the time he enters office. Harris likely will be better than Trump and possibly better than Biden on this front, but it's understandable that appeals from Harris, Obama and Bill Clinton haven't necessarily been convincing to Muslims and Arab-Americans. Bernie Sanders has recorded a video (also adapted as an article) disagreeing with Biden and Harris on their approach to Gaza, criticizing the Netanyahu administration, but endorsing Harris for president on the grounds that Trump will be much worse on Gaza and also many other issues. (Sanders mentions climate change, which I haven't covered in this post and has hardly been addressed by the national political media during this election… or in past presidential elections, for that matter.)

It's beyond the scope of this post to cover all the issues in the Middle-East, or all of U.S. foreign policy, or all domestic policies. I believe people should vote their consciences, and tried to provide a framework in a lengthy 2012 post, "Voting and Political Activism." The most relevant sections about foreign policy and imperialism start around here. I agree with the notion that voting is like a bus that gets you closer to your destination; it's not a marriage. Voting for a candidate does not mean agreeing with all of a candidates' positions; it just means they're the better choice, perhaps significantly, but sometimes only slightly. On the one hand, voting for the lesser of two evils is still evil; on the other, voting for the lesser of two evils means less evil. Voting is just one part of political activism, and when voting rights are assured, often the easiest. Major political changes require sustained political activism beyond voting. To quote a relevant passage from the post:

Basically, I'd suggest that dismantling the American plutocracy is a necessary but insufficient condition for dismantling American imperialism. It's necessary because the ruling class benefits from imperialism and is largely cloistered from its ill effects. They don't tend to serve in the military; instead, they own or invest in arms manufacturers. Dismantling plutocracy may be insufficient because, unfortunately, even in times of relative prosperity, a significant swath of the American public has supported imperialism and questionable wars abroad. However, good media, education, cultural exchanges, the arts and related efforts help raise awareness of, and opposition to, imperialism. Anything that helps foster general awareness, specific knowledge or critical thinking is a boon. Maslow's hierarchy of needs is not strictly true, but it does touch on the truth that average citizens tend to make bad decisions when they're scared (see the selling of the Iraq War), and tend to be less dickish and more generous when their basic needs are addressed and not a source of anxiety. (Meanwhile, the extremely wealthy and privileged tend to get more selfish and need to be curtailed.)


Trump is an authoritarian who would like to be a dictator. Conservative Supreme Court justices and at least one federal judge have tried to place Trump above the law and unaccountable; winning the election is crucial for Trump for self-preservation. Trump and the Republican Party, if they gain power, would make the U.S. more authoritarian, more plutocratic, more bigoted and more cruel. They would further the conservative push toward neo-feudalism. Trump has expressed a desire to effectively end democracy, and at the very least, voting would get much tougher for the minority groups Trump and his followers hate. All that would make dismantling imperialism and improving foreign and domestic policies much harder, probably increasingly so over time. An actual dictatorship would make positive changes all but impossible.

Personally, I'd love it if U.S. elections were less about harm reduction (as important as that is) and more about which beneficial, proven policies we were going to implement, whether that meant reviving and bolstering the best parts of the New Deal and Great Society, or borrowing good ideas from other countries. (Or maybe we could even discuss newer, positive policies.) Imagine, for example, if both major political parties competitively pandered to the middle class over the best single-payer, universal health care model to adopt. ('The German Bismark model!' 'No, the British Beveridge model is superior!') Alas, although we can choose which battles we fight to some degree, we generally can't control the nature of the battlefield itself; in the current system, we generally can't prevent rich, influential bad actors from picking harmful, dangerous political fights in the first place. This is the situation we've been given. It's rotten; it's a dumb time line; but there are people and causes worth fighting for. The United States of America, for all its flaws, was founded in opposition to a monarchy and tyranny, and fighting for democracy and equality might get us all a little bit closer to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.

Elizabeth Willing Powel: Well, Doctor, what have we got, a republic or a monarchy?

Benjamin Franklin: A republic, if you can keep it.

Philadelphia, 1787

Sunday, June 05, 2022

L.A. Primary Elections 2022

The California primary elections are rapidly coming up on Tuesday, 6/7. Many Angelenos might have voted already by mail or in person, but the following resources may prove useful for the general election in November as well, even if they're more useful for the primary.

First up, one of Los Angeles' local NPR stations, KCRW, teamed up with the Los Angeles Times to a debate on homelessness/houselessness solutions for mayoral candidates.

The moderators, KCRW’s Anna Scott and Times columnist Gustavo Arellano, know their stuff. The participating candidates are U.S. Representative Karen Bass (D), L.A. City Council member Keven de León (D), and Gina Viola, a community organizer and business owner, officially nonpartisan but on the liberal/progressive side of things. Candidates Mike Feuer (D) and Joe Buscaino (D) accepted the invitation to the debate, but dropped out of the race beforehand. The most notable omission is Rick Caruso, a billionaire Republican officially running as a Democrat in this election. He's bought TV ads around the clock and has sent out a ton of campaign mail, sometimes two pieces a day. Caruso has spent a record-breaking, insane $34 million and counting, more than twice what the entire field of candidates has spent in the last competitive mayoral primary. Count me among the many who think Caruso's trying to buy the election. Caruso has claimed he'll fix the homelessness situation in Los Angeles, but he ducked this debate on that very issue and has dodged and other candidate fora. As you'll hear if you listen to the debate, glib campaign slogans only take a candidate so far, and bullshitters are likely to squirm.

If the debate doesn't play for you, use the first link above or find it on the Press Play podcast.

I was somewhat familiar with Bass and de León before the debate, and they have some decent things to say, but I was quite interested to hear Gina Viola's perspective, especially her advocacy for hearing from homeless/unhoused people themselves.

Meanwhile, as usual, local NPR station KPCC has put together useful voter resources, including guides to the candidates and ballot measures. This time, there's even a neat meet your mayor quiz, which lets you see which candidates most closely match your own positions.

As usual, I also find the Los Angeles County Bar Association's evaluations of judicial candidates quite valuable. LACBA does not endorse any candidates, but rates whether they are qualified on a four-point scale: not qualified, qualified, well qualified, and exceptionally well qualified. (The last rating is bestowed sparingly.)

Happy voting!

Wednesday, November 07, 2012

Respect.

President Barack Obama fist-bumps custodian Lawrence Lipscomb in the Eisenhower Executive Office Building following the opening session of the White House Forum on Jobs and Economic Growth. December 3, 2009. (Official White House Photo by Pete Souza).

Lance Mannion posted this one over at his place. It's from this gallery. It's an old photo, but appropriate for the occasion. A little dap'll do ya, especially if you're part of the supposed 47%.

Saturday, August 11, 2012

But Paul Ryan Seems Like Such a Nice Fellow

The big political news today is, of course, Mitt Romney naming Paul Ryan as his running mate. It's hard to keep up with all the coverage on Vice Presidential candidate Ryan, but Balloon Juice has been blogging up a storm today, providing some excellent links. Ezra Klein and Nate Silver provide good background on what it means, Charles Pierce weighs in, and Paul Krugman briefly left his vacation to post.

Paul Ryan was the key figure in the Stealthy Extremist section of my recent looong post, "The Four Types of Conservatives." Ryan's radicalism has been dissected very well many times, and in that post, I linked the archives of several writers and outlets that have done so. Their budget analysis is damning, and it speaks volumes about Ryan's (lack of) integrity.

I wanted to link Jonathan Chait's piece "The Legendary Paul Ryan" again, because it's one of the best introductions to Ryan, especially for people who aren't political junkies. I wanted to feature a different section, though:

How has Ryan managed to occupy these two roles in our national life—Fiscy award-winning spokesman for those Americans demanding a bipartisan agreement to reduce the deficit, and slayer of bipartisan deficit agreements—simultaneously? Here is where, in the place of any credible programmatic commitment, he substitutes his remarkable talent for radiating good intentions. New York Times business columnist James Stewart, for instance, recently opined that Ryan’s plan would usher in an overhaul of the tax code that would raise taxes on the rich, by eliminating special treatment for capital-gains income.

It is certainly true, as Stewart argues, that one could reduce tax rates to the levels advocated by Ryan without shifting the burden onto the poor and middle class if you eliminated the lower rate enjoyed by capital-gains income. But Ryan has been crystal clear throughout his career in his opposition to raising capital-gains taxes. An earlier, more explicit version of his tax plan eliminated any tax at all on capital gains. The current version, while refraining from specifics, insists, “Raising taxes on capital is another idea that purports to affect the wealthy but actually hurts all participants in the economy.” I asked Stewart why he believed so strongly that Ryan actually supported such a reform, despite the explicit opposition of his budget. “Maybe he’s being boxed in” by right-wing colleagues, Stewart suggested.

After Obama assailed Ryan’s budget, Stewart wrote a second column insisting that Ryan’s plans were just the sort of goals liberals shared. He quoted Ryan as writing, in his manifesto, “The social safety net is failing society’s most vulnerable citizens.” Stewart is flabbergasted that Democrats could be so partisan as to attack a figure who believes something so uncontroversial. “Does anyone,” Stewart wrote in his follow-up, “Democrat or Republican, seriously disagree?”

The disagreement, I suggested to Stewart, is that Ryan believes the social safety net is failing society’s most vulnerable citizens by spending too much money on them. As Ryan has said, “We don’t want to turn the safety net into a hammock that lulls able-bodied people to lives of dependency and complacency”—which is to say, plying the poor with such inducements as food stamps and health insurance for their children has sapped their desire to achieve, a problem Ryan proposes to solve by targeting them for the lion’s share of deficit reduction. Stewart waves away the distinction. “I was pointing out that, at least rhetorically, you can find some common ground,” he says. Stewart, explaining his evaluation of Ryan to me, repeatedly cited the missing details in his plan as a hopeful sign of Ryan’s accommodating aims. “He seems very straightforward,” he tells me. “He doesn’t seem cunning. He seems very genuine.”

Seeming genuine is something Ryan does extraordinarily well. And here is where something deeper is at play, more than Ryan’s charm and winning personality, something that gets at the intellectual bankruptcy of contemporary Washington. The Ryan brand is rooted in his ostentatious wonkery. Because, unlike the Bushes and the Palins, he grounds his position in facts and figures, he seems like an encouraging candidate to strike a bargain. But the thing to keep in mind about Ryan is that he was trained in the world of Washington Republican think tanks. These were created out of a belief that mainstream economists were hopelessly biased to the left, and crafted an alternative intellectual ecosystem in which conservative beliefs—the planet is not getting warmer, the economy is not growing more unequal—can flourish, undisturbed by skepticism. Ryan is intimately versed in the blend of fact, pseudo-fact, and pure imagination inhabiting this realm.


This dynamic is absolutely maddening – the constant impulse of mainstream media figures to ignore the evidence and anoint even extremists as sensible and responsible. In the terminology of the "four types" post, Paul Ryan is a stealthy extremist, but Stewart is insisting that Ryan is a sober adult. Okay, most of us have been taken in by a politician from time to time. (Although most of us haven't been paid to cover politics, either.) What's most frustrating is that Chait even points out to Stewart that his perception of Ryan is inaccurate – and Stewart replies, “I was pointing out that, at least rhetorically, you can find some common ground,” and that Ryan "seems very genuine.”

This is what sends my blood pressure soaring. Who gives a shit about common ground in rhetoric?!? Politicians lie all the time. They all love America and babies and whatever plays well in the region they're campaigning in that day. It's really not a big challenge to find "common ground" in rhetoric. The question is how much basis Ryan's proposals have in reality. As Greg Sargent likes to say, politics is supposed to be a clash of visions (and his example involves Paul Ryan). If there's no common ground to be found in the actual policies being discussed, and the values underneath them, well then, another speech won't help much – especially if it's bullshit from a charlatan.

One of the benefits of doing at least basic policy analysis – and one of the reasons it's so necessary – is that it helps one evaluate where a political figure is lying, and how badly, and to what consequence. Policy analysis is both a practical matter and a character assessment. Come election-time, voters can pick the candidate that lies less frequently and about less important things, and has higher credibility on delivering the good things and preventing the bad things, and so on. Making such decisions is essential to the whole democracy thing.

In Chait's account, Stewart doesn't care about the reality of Ryan's proposals. He's only valuing appearance. He is only judging by cosmetics. Maybe he's a fine reporter otherwise, and a nice guy in person, but it's appalling... if all too common among mainstream political reporters (the subject of another recent post). Perhaps, like many Americans, Stewart is so desperate to find common ground and get along and see responsible governance that he’ll seize upon any huckster than comes along who says a few nice things. But this is journalistic malpractice, not to mention bad citizenship. Policies should succeed or fail on their merits, and political figures should pay a cost for lying.

For the addled Sensible Centrists that dominate political reporting, "compromise" always seems to entail that liberals should capitulate to the center-left contingent of the Democratic Party, and the Democratic Party should always capitulate to the (mostly) far-right Republican Party. (But somehow, the Republican Party is supposed to heed their rabid base, and never move to the left in the name of compromise. Hmm.) Actually, the true solution is exposing bad ideas and calling bullshit. And in that vein, may the accurate examinations of the Romney-Ryan plans continue!

Update: Greg Sargent, Scott Lemieux and Think Progress weigh in. (More updates to come, perhaps.)

Monday, June 04, 2012

Primary and Recall Elections 2012

California, New Jersey, Utah, South Dakota, Montana and New Mexico have primary elections tomorrow.

If you're a California voter, you can get the official voter information guide here. Some candidate statements and analysis is included (Orly Taitz' is both disturbing and hilarious). The Smart Voter site also has useful information on all the various elections, particularly the overlooked ones such as judicial positions. Because of California's new open primary rule, the top two vote-getters, regardless of party, will face each other in November. In some cases, that means the race will essentially be between the same candidates twice. That's the likely scenario in my congressional district, the newly-redrawn California 30th, with two incumbent Democrats squaring off, Howard Berman and Brad Sherman. Which Way L.A.? had them on as guests back in April (along with two Republican candidates). It also ran an election show tonight.

Meanwhile, Wisconsin is holding recall elections, most notably of Republican Governor Scott Walker, but the other elections are important, too. As David Dayen points out, turnout will be key: "one must acknowledge that no public poll has shown [Tom] Barrett in front [of Scott Walker]. That argues strongly that Walker will be able to hold on. He goes into Election Day a small favorite." Walker's Koch backing and anti-labor stances make this a significant election, but Walker's rich backers have given him a three to one spending advantage. Kay at Balloon Juice has more about the expectations game.

In any case, if your state is up tomorrow, make sure you vote!

Friday, January 20, 2012

Election Rituals

Election coverage has a number of silly rituals and tropes. NYU journalism professor and media critic Jay Rosen at PressThink has a great piece up called "A Viewer’s Guide to Iowa Caucus Coverage" (1/3/12). Some of it pertains exclusively to the Iowa Caucus completed two weeks ago, but much of it applies to election coverage in general. His key point is:

The Iowa Caucuses are presented as a news event, a mini-election with an informational outcome, a winner. But what they really are is a ritual, the gathering of a tribe, which affirms itself and its place in our political system by staging this thing every four years.


This is spot-on. The specific reason for this is that “the Iowa caucuses will award no delegates to any candidate.” More generally, while the Iowa Caucus does hold some real consequences (candidates with very low numbers dropping out), there's no doubt that its importance is massively and artificially inflated. It should not hold the prominence it does. The same goes (to a lesser degree) for the New Hampshire Primary. Their predictive value regarding the eventual nominee is quite poor, and neither state is populous or demographically representative of the nation as a whole. (I explored much of this in "That Fragrant Horse Coverage" in 2008, a year that saw some high marks – or low marks – in idiocy in election coverage.)

Rosen features some sharp observations from Joan Didion and the late James W. Carey. Here's Didion:

When we talk about the process, then, we are talking, increasingly, not about “the democratic process,” or the general mechanism affording the citizens of a state a voice in its affairs, but the reverse: a mechanism seen as so specialized that access to it is correctly limited to its own professionals, to those who manage policy and those who report on it, to those who run the polls and those who quote them, to those who ask and those who answer the questions on the Sunday shows, to the media consultants, to the columnists, to the issues advisers, to those who give the off-the-record breakfasts and to those who attend them; to that handful of insiders who invent, year in and year out, the narrative of public life. “I didn’t realize you were a political junkie,” Marty Kaplan, the former Washington Post reporter and Mondale speechwriter who is now married to Susan Estrich, the manager of the Dukakis campaign, said when I mentioned that I planned to write about the campaign; the assumption here, that the narrative should be not just written only by its own specialists but also legible only to its own specialists, is why, finally, an American presidential campaign raises questions that go so vertiginously to the heart of the structure.


Rosen adds:

Then she goes in for the kill. “What strikes one most vividly about such a campaign is precisely its remoteness from the actual life of the country.” Yes! That is something else I want you to watch for tonight. That remoteness.


Sadly, remoteness seems to be a defining feature of mainstream election coverage. Here's Carney:

What is arrayed before the reader is not pure information but a portrayal of contending forces in the world. Moreover, as readers make their way through the paper, they engage in a continual shift of roles or of dramatic focus. A story on the monetary crisis salutes them as American patriots fighting those ancient enemies Germany and Japan; a story on the meeting of the women’s political caucus casts them into the liberation movement as supporter or opponent; a tale of violence on the campus evokes their class antagonisms and resentments. The model here is not that of information acquisition, though such acquisition occurs, but of dramatic action in which the reader joins a world of contending forces as an observer at a play.


Rosen comments:

Carey‘s point in “A Cultural Approach to Communication” is not that the transmission view is “wrong,” but that it cannot illuminate much of what is happening when we encounter the news. A feature on the candidate’s media adviser invites us behind the scenes, where appearances are contrived for an unwitting audience from whom we are now separated by our superior knowledge of the mechanics of manipulation. A television report puts us inside the cockpit of a fighter jet, zeroing in on an enemy target with high-tech precision. We might call this the “positioning effect.” It occurs regardless of whether the journalist-as-author takes a position or produces a neutral, “objective” account. Something else I want you to watch for tonight. How are we–the users, the viewers–being positioned by the reporting and commentary we are given?


I've long felt that, unfortunately, imbibing a great deal of mainstream political coverage can easily leave someone less informed than before, but with a false sense of confidence that the opposite is the case. As studies have shown, this is certainly true for Fox News viewers, but if we're discussing political understanding and context, I would contend the problem is much more widespread. In terms of knowing that specific events have taken place, avid news consumers will more informed and conversant than average Americans, but in terms of political insight, they can wind up worse than before. The conventional Beltway wisdom on any given subject reflects the social norms and consensus of the chattering class, but it is rarely actually wise. The political analysis in mainstream outlets is often appalling shallow and vapid if not factually incorrect. Smart and skeptical news consumers can sift through the dross in coverage, of course, but less grounded viewers can be misled – especially when poor political conversation is the norm. For instance, consider that the dreadful Mark Halperin, who is almost unfailingly wrong and chronically shallow, but is presented to viewers as a political sage. Halperin "won" #1 on Salon's Hack 30 in 2011, a well-deserved dishonor (he was #2 in 2010), but the other 29 are similarly presented as Very Serious People… and there are many more who didn't make the list. (These dynamics are explored in more depth in "Partisanship, Policy and Bullshit.")

As Bob Somerby has often opined, many prominent political reporters write novels rather than journalism, selling narratives that are almost always misleading and superficial, and often outright false. As Geoffrey Nunberg has observed, the selection of political pundits on talk shows resembles sitcom casting, with "types" of political observers being selected. (I have more on this in reference to Ann Coulter in this 2006 post, and Nunberg's insight deserves more discussion in a future post on political theater. "Silent Questions" also covers some of this material, more tangentially.)

This year, Mitt Romney was announced the winner of the Iowa Caucus (by a mere eight votes over Rick Santorum, although the results have been questioned, and now it appears Santorum won). Romney also won in New Hampshire, and is predicted by most analysts and odds-makers to be the eventual Republican nominee. The primary season is less suspenseful because of this, although there have been some interesting elements. Romney is absolutely despised by most voters in the conservative base (they didn't like McCain, either, but they hate Romney more vociferously). Watching those dynamics play out, and the rise and fall of a series of Not-Romney candidates, has been amusing. Meanwhile, the Super PAC money has made things more tumultuous. Such groups can widen the lead for the frontrunner (a Romney Super PAC slammed Newt Gingrich relentlessly and successfully), but a single rich donor can give a flailing candidate new life (A Nevada billionaire gave a Gingrich group five million dollars). With Romney pulling ahead, most of the other candidates have eagerly broken Reagan's "11th commandment" (thou shalt not talk ill of a Republican) in going after Romney as too liberal, too moderate, and even too conservative and heartless. This, too, has been pretty amusing, especially given the rank hypocrisy and bad faith of most of these attacks. Most importantly, with only a few exceptions, the actual policies the Republican candidates have been presenting have been absolutely horrible (Lower taxes on the poor rich!). The candidates, just like many of the reporters covering them, would prefer to keep everything on the level of personalities and gossip versus serious policy analysis and discussion of the likely consequences of their proposals (further devastating the middle class and the poor to give more to the most rich and privileged, mostly). None of this requires arcane knowledge to divine, either. Rosen presents some election rituals and other things he "want[s] you to watch for tonight" in election coverage, and news junkies and conscientious citizens should always keep an eye out for the bullshit: the old, recycled and revered, the re-vamped and re-branded, and the new.

Monday, October 10, 2011

Deliver Us to (White) Spite

There's another Republican debate looming, and the past ones do not bode well for the Republic. The conservative faithful keeps looking for a savior, finding and then rejecting one candidate after another... and rejecting reality, history and compassion as well.

Scott Horton looks at the succession of conservative sweethearts in "A Snapshot from the Age of Distraction":

It’s not unusual for a political candidate or two to rise dramatically and then melt beneath the lights of the public stage—this happens in almost every election cycle. But it is unusual for so many candidates to rise and collapse in such rapid succession, while still at an early point in the elections. It may tell us something about the quality of the candidate pool. Or it may be revealing of the fickleness and immaturity of the voter group the populists are competing to capture. Or both.

In any event, however, it is characteristic of our current political process. We have created an environment in which scrutiny of political candidates is superficial, and in which candidates can get away with knowing only enough about critical issues to fill a three-by-five-inch filing card. Illiteracy about key economic issues is widespread, and vacuous, simplistic formulations are put forth without being challenged or parsed. Bogus claims about history are made without shame or correction. That would be a fair summary of the televised debates, which offer little actual debating and are often packaged to resemble a television game show. Is America going about picking presidential candidates the way viewers choose their favorite contestants on “American Idol”? America today faces the very real prospect of a double-dip recession, and is deeply enmeshed in two land wars in the Middle East (one of which marks its first decade this week) that are unpopular but that our political elites don’t want to discuss. It faces the prospect of a “lost generation” of un- and underemployed youth. But our political culture continues to avoid vital issues. Instead, we are treated to political tragicomedy. The rapid rise and fall of candidates in the Republican contest is a telling sign of our Age of Distraction.


Charles Pierce has joined the already excellent Esquire political team, and his ire is provoked by a silly Hill piece claiming that Herman Cain's success proves that observations about racism in the conservative movement are overblown. As Pierce writes in "The GOP Is Not Giving Up 50 Years of Bigotry for This Guy":

Jesus God, man, read some history, will you? Or, otherwise, some conservative might come up to you one day and you'll trade him your car for a bag of magic beans. If you don't want to read, at least Google "Harry Dent" or "Southern strategy." Republicans made a conscious choice to abandon the traditions that began with Lincoln and produced Edward Brooke in order to profit politically from the backlash against the accomplishments of the civil-rights movement and the remnants of white-supremacy, especially in the South. This wasn't an accident. It was a shrewd — if amoral — calculation. That is how black voters came to be attached to the Democratic party; hell, it's why Martin Luther King, Sr. stopped being a Republican. If you think that party is willing to surrender 50 years of profitable bigotry for the political phenomenon that is Herman Cain, well, you should take it up with the future of the GOP, Congressman J.C. Watts, or former chairman Michael Steele, who also represented the new multiracial party for a while. I also wish you luck with your beanstalk.


For more on Cain and his appeal to conservatives, I'd recommend checking out the many posts on the subject at We Are Respectable Negroes. (See also Adam Serwer and Matthew Yglesias.)

Roy Edroso writes sympathetically about "the end of the affair" between Sarah Palin (who declared she is not running for president) and the conservative faithful, who didn't recognize the scam and truly believed:

...the salt-of-the-earth types who are now left standing at Palin Central, waiting on a train to Galt's Gulch and glory that will never arrive.

I note this with some sadness, and not only on my own account. Most of Palin's retinue will peel off without many tears to the Perry and Bachmann bandwagons, where their thirst for blood and bullshit may be slaked. But I spare a thought for those who actually believed in Palin -- who thought this venal con woman was the real deal, their mama grizzly, their wingnut messiah -- someone who, though swimming in unearned wealth and privilege, understood their underwater double-wide lives and, though incredibly averse to responsibility, would bravely take up the Old Standard and be the backwoods Boudicca of their redneck resurgence.

She was as close to a new Reagan as the Tea Party people had -- simultaneously sunny and impenetrable, a great grinning billboard behind which they could safely wreak their bitter vengeance on the hippies, ethnics, and paupers on whom they blamed the modern world. How long will it take for them to move on, and where to? And -- here's a strange thought, coming from someone who expected to see her crowned -- whether they did or not, are there enough of them that anyone will notice? Or was the whole idea that battalions of backwards-looking, flintlock-shouldering patriots marched with her just a scam as well? That would seem the cruelest thing for them to find: that they were doomed all along, and had only seemed close enough to victory to yearn for it because hucksters found profit in telling the world that they were.


Finally, Driftglass is holding a fundraiser and has been blogging up a storm (and podcasting). Make sure to stay for the prose, but I'm particularly fond of this picture, which until recently was on his masthead (click for a larger view):


As I wrote over at his place, it occurs to me that this creature is the conservative version of the Krell monster. The difference is that it didn't emerge from noble if misguided attempts to increase knowledge and intelligence; the Republicans chose to plunge directly into the lizard brain instead, and what they unleashed was a violently incurious, brutally rapacious and recklessly nihilistic Id that has destroyed civilizations in the past and is hungry to do the same again.

Tuesday, November 02, 2010

GOTV 2010

These are the most compelling Get Out the Vote ads I've seen so far. The first one comes from Steve Benen and Bill Simmon:



I actually saw this one, "I Remember," proliferate on one of them thar social media sites before the blogs really picked it up:



Digby passes on this cool one, "We Vote":



Lastly, here's a longer MoveOn ad with a sci-fi dystopian theme, and featuring Olivia Wilde. Apparently it's personalized for users who follow a Facebook-MoveOn log-in process:



More info about this ad is here and here. It's a bit creepy, and fairly clever and entertaining, including the little throwaway geek-out at the end about time travel theories.

I was working on a longer piece about the disappointing Democrats and third parties and all that, subjects of perennial discussion on some liberal blogs. But personally, when faced with an unabashedly reckless, nihilistic, plutocratic party, the party that's partially plutocratic-and-corrupt, and often gutless, but also has a few genuine liberals and hasn't completely abandoned the social contract, looks pretty good in comparison. And hey, the weekend after the "Rally to Restore Sanity and/or Keep Fear Alive," the "Not Insane" ticket may not always be inspiring, but it is nonetheless compelling.



Update: Roy Edroso sounds the trumpets:

Outside of that it's the straight Democratic ticket for me. Obama is a trimmer and a pudding, but the Republicans are Satan's emissaries on Earth, and if I have little hope of making a difference I can at least, at the Final Trump, answer my Maker that I spurted my spitball against the hull of the Dark Lord's deathship when duty called. Go thou and do likewise!

Sunday, October 31, 2010

California Midterm Money 2010

If you don't live in California, you're lucky you miss the election year onslaught of political ads. Normally, it's ballot measure ads around the clock, but this time, the candidate ads have been non-stop all year. I thought I'd try to look at some of the ads in a few posts before the election is over, in, um, two days. First though, I thought it'd be useful to look at the money.

The spending has been insane, and in the race for governor, it's been extremely lopsided. On 10/22/10, the Fresno Bee reported:

Republican gubernatorial candidate Meg Whitman spent nearly $23 mil- lion the first 16 days of October, bringing her record-breaking spending total to $163 million for the campaign, according to finance reports filed Thursday.

Democrat Jerry Brown, meanwhile, had spent $14.6 million between Oct. 1 and 16, more than half of the total $25.3 million his campaign has spent this year.

Brown had $11.6 million in the bank for the final push as of Oct. 16, while Whitman reported $12.4 million on hand with about $1.9 million in debts.

Whitman, a billionaire former CEO of eBay, has put $141.6 million of her own money in the campaign. In all, she has raised $173 million.

Brown has raised nearly $38 million for the campaign.


The Senate race between Barbara Boxer and Carly Fiorina is a little harder to tally. From a 10/22/10 article:

Republican challenger Carly Fiorina added $1 million from her personal fortune to her campaign to unseat Democratic Sen. Barbara Boxer, pouring in money for the final days of a tightening race...

The loan, made Thursday, brings Fiorina's total contributions this year to $6.5 million...

Boxer campaign manager Rose Kapolczynski said Fiorina is using the golden parachute she received when she was ousted from HP "to try to buy a seat in the Senate." Overall, Boxer has raised $26.4 million compared to $17.9 million for Fiorina...

National Republicans have not been so reticent in talking about their plans for the Senate race. They've promised to spend nearly $4.8 million in California in coordination with the Fiorina campaign. Fiorina's efforts are also being helped by the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which has spent more than $4.5 million on television ads critical of Boxer...

According to quarterly campaign reports filed Oct. 15, Boxer had about $6.5 million cash on hand compared to $1.8 million for Fiorina, who is receiving significant help from independent groups.

Since then, there has been a flurry of spending. Campaign finance reports based on the first two weeks of October show Boxer spent $5.3 million, leaving her with $2.3 million cash on hand.

Fiorina spent $2 million during the same period, leaving her with $1.3 million. Adding Fiorina's latest loan, she should now have roughly the same amount as Boxer.


However, the key difference is outside money. From Southern California Public Radio back on 10/12/10:

The prospect of unseating three-term Sen. Barbara Boxer has led business groups and social conservatives to invest heavily in California's U.S. Senate race over the past six weeks.

About $4 million has been spent on ads and election activities that help Republican challenger Carly Fiorina, the former chief executive officer of Hewlett-Packard Co.

By comparison, outside groups have spent about $121,000 helping Boxer, who started the race with a huge cash advantage in her campaign account.


What about the polls? On 10/27/10, TPM reported:

The new CNN poll of California provides further corroboration that Democrats Jerry Brown and Barbara Boxer are on track in their respective gubernatorial and Senate races.

The gubernatorial numbers: Brown 51%, Republican Meg Whitman 44%. In the previous poll from a month ago, Brown led by 52%-43%. The TPM Poll Average has Brown ahead by 49.0%-41.3%.

The Senate numbers: Boxer 50%, Republican Carly Fiorina 45%. In the previous poll from a month ago, Boxer led by 52%-43%. The TPM Poll Average has Boxer ahead by 47.4%-43.4%.

The survey of likely voters has a ±3.5% margin of error.


538 currently has Brown up by 8 points and Boxer up by 6 points. But we'll see come Tuesday. The outside money factor is troubling, and that's a national issue. Transparency on who's funding all those ads would be a big help. Meanwhile, the Mercury News has more on Whitman, her eBay past and her diminishing prospects despite the staggering amount of money she's spent. When the dust has settled, I'll be interested to see if Meg Whitman winds up with an even worse dollar-to-vote ratio than Rudy Giuliani in the 2008 presidential primaries.

Friday, October 22, 2010

Maddow versus the CW on the Midterms

Visit msnbc.com for breaking news, world news, and news about the economy



If you follow politics a bit, you're bound to get exposed to the Beltway Conventional Wisdom. If you follow politics closely, at some point you'll notice that the Beltway Conventional Wisdom is often badly wrong - and impervious to facts or reason. Rachel Maddow is doing some superb work in fact-checking and investigative reporting, and this segment, about the Beltway CW on the upcoming midterms, is exceptional. I'll add one point many liberal bloggers have noted - voters don't care that much about the deficit, except as a proxy for jobs and economic growth, which they consistently pick as far more important.

Tuesday, November 04, 2008

Game On!

To get in the mood:



If you feel a duty to vote, but also occasionally feel disgusted with your fellow Americans (ahem), this video is for you. (Via Blue Gal.)

Meanwhile, as a general rule, the folks with the better music have better policies and are much cooler. True enough!

Here's an extended, updated version of a video I featured before, Obama Reggaeton:



And since I am in California, let me keep 'em coming - Viva Obama 2008 (Mariachi):



Viva Obama (Norteño):



I linked this one before, but via FranIAm, here's Obama Zydeco:



And remember this one?



Some other tunes are waiting in the wings, depending on the outcome of the presidential race and a few other contests...

(Cross-posted at The Blue Herald)

Election Predictions 2008


Feel free to make you election predictions in the comments. What will be the electoral vote count? What will the popular vote percentages be? How many Senate or House pickups will there be? Any ballot proposition predictions?

CNN allows you to make your own map (some other sites freeze up).

Slate has spreadsheets you can use to track your picks as well for a weighted contest (extra points for picking battleground states correctly, etc.).

Five Thirty Eight's projections show the most common results are 311, 338, 378, 353, and 291 for Obama.

FiveThirtyEight's Nate Silver has a very good piece in Newsweek on what to watch for in the election returns.

The yellow states on CNN's map plus Pennsylvania and Nevada are those that have or will likely see the most voter suppression or dirty tricks. Democracy Now and Brad Blog have more details.

The number of true battleground states varies from source to source, but we'll go with these 15 (the CNN map lists abbreviations if you need them):

AZ-
CO-
IN-
FL-
GA-
MO-
MT-
NC-
ND-
NH-
NM-
NV-
OH-
PA-
VA-

Some people would add AR, ME and WV to that list. Add anything you like. In any case, feel free to make any predictions in the thread. Mine are in the comments below.

(I'll probably spend more time over at the Blue Herald version of this post, but feel free to leave comments here, if you prefer.)